Looking back:
Radical Criminology and Social Movements

by Gregory Shank. Social Justice. San Francisco: Summer 1999

There are people who struggle for a day
        And they are good.
There are others who struggle for a year
        And they are better.
There are those who struggle many years,
        And they are better still.
But there are those who struggle all their lives;
        These are the indispensable ones.
-Bertolt Brecht Born In the U.S.A.
THE LAUNCHING OF CRIME AND SOCIAL JUSTICE (NOW SOCIAL JUSTICE) IN 1974 WAS a logical extension of the creation of alternative - some thought revolutionary - institutions that had their roots in the period spanning the late 1960s to 1975: the free universities, cultural expressions like the San Francisco Mime Troupe, the Bay Guardian, and research groups like the North American Congress on Latin America (NACLA) that bridged the academic and off-campus "Movement" worlds (the civil rights, Black and Chicano Power, antiwar, gay liberation, and feminist impulses that gave such research its political poignancy). 1 In that sense, even though Crime and Social Justice was the first radical criminology journal in the United States, it began appropriately without much fanfare. Yet the year itself was anything but unremarkable. In the popular culture, the jazz world lost Duke Ellington, Bob Dylan was "Tangled up in Blue" on his Blood on the Tracks album, Muhammad Ali danced like a butterfly and stung like abee, and Hank Aaron eclipsed Babe Ruth's home run record. Although the Students for a Democratic Society (SDS) had already self-destructed by splintering into a group promoting symbolic violence and another intent on democratic-centralist oblivion, college campuses were still highly politicized due to the war in Indochina. Nonetheless, academic repression was beginning to take its toll (disrupting the livelihoods of faculty members who were among the founders of the journal). The Black Panther Party had split over whether to achieve their goals via a peaceful electoral strategy promoted by Bobby Seale and Huey P. Newton or through Eldridge Cleaver's last-gasp revolutionism (before he opted for reactionary politics), and the Black liberation movement had become polarized between Marxist and cultural nationalist positions. The Native American armed occupation of Wounded Knee began in 1973, but FBI repression at Pine Ridge remained intense through 1976. Meanwhile, the anti-rape movement had made significant progress as part of the larger women's movement, and prison reform was still a serious topic.

The Symbionese Liberation Army (SLA), who like some early radical criminologists romanticized prisoners, stormed onto the scene and kidnapped Patricia Hearst from a home near the journal's Berkeley office. It was not long before SLA members were incinerated on real-time TV. This episode helped to undermine much of the remaining public support the prisoner movement enjoyed and reinvigorated right-wing countersubversive forces that had run perilously short of genuine Communists to persecute. They seized upon the "international terrorism" issue by making spurious links between the SLA, the Weather Underground, Germany's Baader-Meinhof group, the Italian Red Brigades, the Angry Brigade (a British terrorist group founded on the principles of the Enrages of 1968 France), and the PLO, even though from 1965 to 1976 a substantial number of incidents involving political violence were attributable to right-wing and racist sources. The grand jury had become a police state instrument during its heyday between 1970 and 1974. Domestic government spying was intense; Francis Ford Coppola's movie, The Conversation, dramatized the Watergate-era paranoia over wiretapping, invasion of privacy, and the apparent absence of conscience at the highest levels of government. Between 1957 and 1974, the FBI's COINTELPRO operation kept files on nearly 500,000 Americans whom J. Edgar Hoover and other FBI officials considered to be subversives or potential "national security risks" and infiltrated organizations such as the Medical Committee for Human Rights and the National Lawyers Guild, not to mention the Black Panther Party and the American Indian Movement.

Federal intervention in the 1970s transformed U.S. law enforcement into the largest, most expensive, and most punitive system of justice in the world. A "police-industrial complex" was created through enormous subsidies and an integration of military expertise, command and control techniques, and weapons, communications, and data collection technology. By 1974, the police received nearly 60% of the nation's $15 billion criminal justice budget - eight times the amount allocated a decade earlier. The number of police officers in this country nearly doubled in the decade between 1965 and 1975. Police helicopters hovered over barrios and housing projects; paramilitary SWAT units learned team policing concepts that adapted Vietnam-era armed responses. African American, Latino, and left organizations opposed these trends and called for civilian review boards and "community control," but to little avail. In the end, the U.S. became even more insecure about crime and was readied for the prison explosion of the 1980s and 1990s.

Articles of impeachment were drafted against President ("Tricky Dick") Nixon in 1974 during the political and constitutional crisis known as the Watergate scandal. Having lost the confidence of U.S. ruling circles, Nixon was forced from office. In Vietnam, fighting escalated and the United States would soon be forced to exit in disarray. Rightist dictatorships collapsed in Portugal (1974), Greece (1974), and Spain (with Franco's death in 1975). With this came the precondition for united European democracies to coalesce into a future economic superpower, but it also unleashed liberation movements in Africa as Portugal undertook immediate decolonization. In France and Italy, the balance of forces had swung substantially to the left.

The end of the great postwar economic boom of 1945 to 1973 was punctuated by the OPEC oil price hike. A world economic recession ensued. The 1974 recession under President Ford was perhaps the deepest cyclical downturn since the 1930s and was exacerbated by a military slowdown under conditions of deescalation and detente that deprived the U.S. economy of a defense against recession that had been relied upon in the 1960s. Globalization had entered a new monetary and financial regime in response to "stagflation" - low growth due to an absence of profitable investments, low productivity, and rising prices. Japan's economy showed zero growth from 1974 to 1975 and state managers in Europe's industrial powers were overwhelmed by high unemployment and the ineffectiveness of traditional Keynesian remedies. Corporate power had attained a global reach, first as multinationals and then as transnationals, and in 1973 the corporate-- political elite created a corresponding policy-making institution, the Trilateral Commission, with the "ungovernability of democracies" high on the agenda.

Within such an ambiance, a progressive criminology movement emerged primarily at U.C. Berkeley's School of Criminology to challenge the traditional guardians of order and to begin the work of transforming the self-crippled discourse of technicians (to use Alvin Gouldner's phrase). With its commitment to combining radical analysis with political organizing, it is perhaps miraculous that the enterprise survived at all in what is probably the most reactionary field in the social sciences. The progressive criminology movement was international in scope: it was not confined to one national culture, but varied in its cultural and political origins. It was conditioned by the events of 1968 - the French May, the Italian "Hot Autumn," the German 68er "cultural revolution" and student movement, and the year of the barricade in the U.S., in short, the worldwide student rebellion together with the My Lai massacre and Tet Offensive in Vietnam, the Soviet occupation of Czechoslovakia, and Martin Luther King's assassination. In 1968, the School of Criminology at Berkeley had a radical presence that actively promoted student power, antiwar and anti-imperialist politics, and was close to the Black Panthers in Oakland. We were active in the campus-wide strike led by the Third World Liberation Front in 1969, the massive community and student struggle known as "People's Park," the struggle against the use of behavioral modification and brain surgery in prison, as well as the campaign for community control of the police in 1971. The Bay Area Women Against Rape came into existence in 1971. In the summer of 1972, the Union of Radical Criminologists (URC) was formed by a small group of students and teachers at the Berkeley School of Criminology with the aim of becoming a national organization, promoting radical ideas and community projects, as well as supporting the victims of academic repression.

The URC was not long lasting, but it served as an important transitional organization. It had a hand in the anthology, Policing America, edited by Tony Platt and Lynn Cooper. In 1973, the URC and NACLA jointly initiated the Center for Research on Criminal Justice. Its research on repression and national trends conducted for the purpose of serving organizations struggling against the criminal justice system - culminated in the 1975 classic, The Iron Fist and the Velvet Glove: An Analysis of the U.S. Police. Crime and Social Justice began as a task group within URC and commenced publication in 1974. Its founders saw the need for a publication that would "bring together the analyses and programs of people working to build a movement to overcome the oppressive criminal justice system and the system of exploitation it supports." A global perspective was built into the initial issues because we saw that the U.S. government was involved in developing and legitimizing repressive criminal justice systems around the world. Indeed, to reduce criminology to domestic issues was to unnecessarily restrict our understanding of repression and resistance. The journal has endured, independent of institutional support, under various titles ever since. Some publishing know-how carried over from staff members who had also worked on Issues in Criminology (1965 to 1975), a publication of the graduate students at Berkeley's School of Criminology that was an outgrowth of the Free Speech Movement.

The editorial mandate of Social Justice has expanded over the years beyond issues of crime, punishment, and social control to encompass globalism, international human rights and civil rights domestically, border and immigration issues, environmental victims and health and safety issues, critiques of the state and welfare reform strategies, as well as analyses of gender- and ethnicity-based inequalities. The journal remains true to its initial task of debunking and transforming agency-determined criminal justice research, but it has also incorporated elements of world-systems analysis, which took shape in the 1970s as a form of critique capable of explaining America's imperial role in the global system known as historical capitalism. Articulate world-systems theorists, Immanuel Wallerstein and Chris Chase-Dunn, belong to our advisory board, and Andre Gunder Frank remains a valued contributor and at-large adviser. Incorporation of the worldsystems perspective preceded, but was also reinforced by, the 1988 merger of Crime and Social Justice and Contemporary Marxism (1980 to 1987). Many on the latter staff had been members of NACLA's West Coast office, which accounts for much of the rich "Americanist" perspective that would appear in the pages of Social Justice. Before the merger, the two journals were projects of Global Options, a nonprofit institute in San Francisco committed to research and advocacy on world affairs that was founded in 1986.

Uncommon Wealth: The Contribution of Great Britain, Canada, and Australia European critical criminologists established the largely academic, left-ofcenter European Society for the Study of Deviance and Social Control, whose first conference was organized by Mario Simondi, Stan Cohen, Ian Taylor, and Karl Schumann in September 1973. Members of the Crime and Social Justice Collective participated. The British component emerged in 1968 - a year of student occupations in Britain, the emergence of Tariq Ali as a student leader, an antiVietnam demonstration in London that turned into a battle with police outside the U.S. embassy, and Enoch Powell's prediction of "rivers of blood" in an impending race war - from a group consisting of left activists Laurie Taylor, Stan Cohen, Mary McIntosh, Ian Taylor, Paul Walton, and Jock Young. In 1973, the latter three, who became Contributing Editors to our journal, published The New Criminology. This influential work was an ironically titled critique, as it was a return to European grand sociological theory, although some at the time would have preferred its focus to be beyond criminology. A collective work, it had its origins in the National Deviancy Conference, which was formed by the 1968 group and grew to some 400 members who shared a dissatisfaction with European social democracy and a desire to expose the criminogenic nature of British capitalism. This United Kingdom-based body of sociologists and individuals involved in social action (on behalf of squatters, radical social workers, and the prisoners' union) did its best to support the group of radicals under attack at Berkeley's School of Criminology. Many of the original participants are still active, along with newer faces.2 From this group and others working along similar lines flowed a rich literature, ranging from those of Stuart Hall and his associate's work at the Birmingham Center for Contemporary Cultural Studies to "realist" criminology, social control theory generally, and variants on postmodern theory. Hall, long one of our Contributing Editors, was a major figure in the revival of the British Left in the 1960s and 1970s and remains a visionary race theorist in the 1990s. The work of this British group resonated with that being done in the U.S. since the U.K. also experienced a massive shift to coercion in the 1970s, with the "birth of the `law and order' society," as Stuart Hall, Charles Critcher, Tony Jefferson, John Clarke, and Brian Roberts argued in Policing the Crisis: Mugging, the State, and Law and Order. The Labour government then in power presided over a deteriorating economy, an annual inflation rate above 25%, unrest in Northern Ireland, countercultural drug use, squatters, nonwhite immigration, and a general "crisis of hegemony." The term "mugging" was imported from the U.S. in the 1972 to 1973 period into British culture as an image and set of relationships already condensed in U.S. law enforcement ideology - crime, black youth, fear of social disorder, and the conviction that society had become too permissive toward crime and criminals. Policing the Crisis made good use of Marxist cultural theory inflected through Gramsci's theory of hegemony and an Althusserian conception of the media as an ideological state apparatus largely concerned with the reproduction of dominant ideologies. Another important theorist, Paul Gilroy, also discussed the evolution of "race" as a policing problem and the transformation of urban disturbances in the 1970s into a race problem. Tony Bunyan made a significant contribution with his The Political Police in Britain, through his work on the now-defunct State Research, and through police monitoring units, including that of the Greater London Council. Another critical approach came from Christopher Williams, whose Environmental Victims (Vol. 23, No. 4) we published in 1996. Currently, despite Prime Minister Tony Blair's tough-on-crime stance, the British are even less secure in terms of environmental and criminal victimization, and in terms of the workplace.

The Canadian movement, which was strongly influenced culturally and politically by Europe and the U.S., began to congeal in 1975. Marie-Andr6e Bertrand was a Contributing Editor to our journal at the time its first issue appeared. She had experienced the wave of neoconservatism that engulfed the Universite de Montreal in reaction to the 1968 uprisings before coming to Berkeley asa visiting professor in 1973. 'Another early participant, Yvon Dandurand, noted in 1975 that attempts to create a radical criminology periodical had failed and that radical approaches to criminology appeared in the community at large and in struggles for social justice (such as Claire Culhane's work with the Prisoners' Rights Group, First Nations struggles, and those concerned with police surveillance), rather than in academia. Over 10 years later, when we published Canada and the U.S: Criminal Justice Connections (CSJ No. 26, edited by R.S. Ratner), Canada still lacked a radical criminology journal. That changed with the inauguration of the Journal of Human Justice (1989-1995), spearheaded by Chuck Reasons, Tulio Caputo, Brian MacLean, R.S. Ratner, Paul Havemann, and others. (In 1996, that title continued as Critical Criminology: An International Journal, a publication of the Critical Criminology Division of the American Society of Criminology.)

In 1974, the Bathurst riot occurred in Australia, destroying the prison and leading to aperiod of reform in the prison system. Gang violence and street assaults were media and popular concerns in the mid- 1960s and early 1970s, a decade of relative affluence. Mass Vietnam protests, opposition to the 1972 South African rugby tour, and the rise of Koori (aboriginal) protest and militancy generated a physical contest over public space, the streets, and a volatile ideological climate into which issues of crime, especially "street crime," were inserted. In this climate, the Alternative Criminology Journal (1975 to 1981), edited by David Brown, sought to radicalize criminology by ending its separation as a separate discipline, divorced from political theory and political economy. Writing in Law in Context: A Socio-Legal Journal (Pat O'Malley and Kit Carsen served on it Editorial Board), Adrian Howe argued, as had Elliott Currie in 1974, that the point, however, was to get out of criminology and to reconceptualize the whole terrain as a sociology of law, crime, and criminalization. Although Australia had been incorporated as a new subsystem in the world-system through the "Pacific Rim Strategy," it has resisted some of the more punitive responses to a law and order culture, such as "three strikes" legislation and the death penalty, which American crime policy embodies. Some of this resistance comes to Australia via Europe. In an "Australian response" to the theme of "Law and Order for Progressives?" in our journal, Gill Boehringer, Dave Brown, Brendan Edgeworth, Russell Hogg, and Ian Ramsay argued in favor of broadening the debate over crime to include domestic violence, health and safety, and the practices and control of state agencies such as the police. Later, Pat O'Malley guest edited an issue of Social Justice entitled The Politics of Empowerment in Australia (Vol. 16, No. 3, 1989) that fulfills that objective while exploring Australia's role in the global system.

Italian Critical Currents

Events in Italy during our founding years paralleled many experienced in the U.S., with several major exceptions. One was the amazing sea of red banners during huge mobilizations of the Italian Communist Party, the labor movement, and an insurgent extra-parliamentary Left I had witnessed during Italy's "Hot Autumn" in 1969. Such wide-scale support for the "Italian Road to Socialism" equally impressed members of Crime and Social Justice Collective who attended the European Society for the Study of Deviance and Social Control in Florence in 1973. Public confidence in the government had plummeted and, by 1974, Italy briefly lacked a government altogether. The Red Brigades emerged in the early 1970s, a time of worsening economic problems and great political turbulence, with saber-rattling on the Right, kidnappings, bombings of major Italian cities, and selective shootings, especially of law enforcement officers. The CIA poured in millions of dollars to prevent the Communists from coming to power (also a goal of the Red Brigades) and trained the Italian security services to confront disorders and student demonstrations, to prepare dossiers, and make use of bank data and the tax returns of individual citizens. An aggressive Italian judiciary and law-enforcement apparatus made innovative use of repentant and confessed criminals turned state's witnesses, first to quell the Red Brigades and then to take on the Mafia.

There was some exchange between the extra-parliamentary opposition (Lotta Continua, Il Manifesto, and Potere Operaio) and intellectual circles and the student movement. Lotta Continua was active in the prisoners' movement. At the time, prisons were at the boiling point in Britain, the U.S., Australia, Canada, and Italy. Not surprisingly, Dario Melossi and Massimo Pavarini focused their work on the origins of the penitentiary system. Their The Prison and the Factory builds on Marx' concept of primitive accumulation. They reintroduced Georg Rusche and Otto Kirchheimer's Punishment and Social Structure and later offered a critique of Michel Foucault's Discipline and Punishment, which was influenced, like many of the works developed in that milieu, by the theoretical work of Antonio Gramsci and Louis Althusser. Melossi was a kindred spirit to our journal group and we had the pleasure of meeting him during his brief research sojourn in Berkeley. He was a founder and member of the Bologna School, which was responsible for the publication of La Questione Criminale: Rivista di Ricerca e Dibattito su Devianza e Controllo Sociale up to the 1980s and of Dei Delitti e delle Pene in the 1990s. Alessandro Baratta and Massimo Pavarini recently resuscitated Dei Delitti e delle Pene (under the auspices of the Italian National Research Council) after a three-year hiatus, with the aim of interpreting the changes in crime and the social order within the processes of European integration and economic globalization, of analyzing discourses on crime and punishment, and of theorizing on issues such as the needs for safety and its relation to constitutional and human rights. Others from the early period, including Tamar Pitch, Vincenzo Ruggiero, and others, still work together through that journal.

In 1989, members of the Social Justice Editorial Board would work with the International League for the Rights and Liberation of Peoples to compile an issue entitled Human Rights and People's Rights: Views from North and South. The League was founded in 1976 by an Italian member of Parliament, Lelio Basso, who before his death in 1978 made clear his belief that socialism without democracy was not possible, just as a democratic order without activism was not possible. We knew of Basso's work in the early 1970s, when he presented a paper in Santiago, Chile, on the use of legality in the phase of transition to socialism, as well as that of Giovanni Arrighi, who has made an important contribution to the world-systems literature.

The Critical Legacy in Germany

In the Federal Republic of Germany, the SDS (Sozialistischer Deutscher Studentenbund) became the core of a widespread student rebellion against reactionary regimes in the Third World, against U.S. policy in Vietnam, and against long-standing government attempts to supplement the constitution with emergency laws that would confer dictatorial powers on the government in the event of a political crisis at home or abroad. In 1968, the Young Socialists - the organization of the younger members of the Social Democratic Party - declared its opposition to the emergency legislation; the student rebellion, increasingly under the banner of revolutionary socialist slogans, also called for its immediate rejection. In April 1968, after a right-wing attempt to assassinate SDS leader Rudi Dutschke (following incitements especially in the reactionary Springer Press), riots erupted. Berlin and other cities in West Germany saw the heaviest street fighting since the Weimar Republic, and students and young workers throughout West Germany invaded Springer's offices and burned its vans in protest. In a major setback for the student movement, the government passed the emergency legislation with only minor modifications. The over-escalation of radical direct action tendencies that followed soon destroyed the SDS and led to the disintegration of the nascent alliance between core groups in the working-class trade union movement and the intellectual opposition.

This was the Germany I encountered in the summer of 1969, when I was working in Libri Buchhandlung's Frankfurt warehouse and studying sociology part time at the University of Mainz. An older factory worker who had quit the Communist Party in disgust over Stalin's policies tutored me in "scientific socialism" to offset my fascination with the ideas of the French Situationist International ("All power to the imagination!"). It was not until I returned to the U.S. that I became familiar with German critical criminology.3 Much of that early work hadbeen organized under the banner of the Arbeitskreis Junger Kriminologen (Working Party of Young Criminologists). They began publishing Kriminologisches Journal in 1969 and the journal continues to be associated with the University of Hamburg. Fritz Sack, a central figure, was a visiting professor at the University of California, Berkeley, in the mid- I960s and has been a contributor to Social Justice. Another journal, Kritische Justiz, launched in 1968, survives today with an editorial mandate to analyze the law and its practical application in its social, economic, and political contexts. Similar to other countries, there was serious contention over whether the new criminology should be critical, radical, or Marxist. An article by Falco Werkentin, Michael Hofferbert, and Michael Bauman that appeared in our second issue is entitled "Criminology as Police Science or `How Old Is the New Criminology?"' (CSJ No. 2, 1974). It reflects a Marxist perspective that distinguished itself from an early critical approach of Fritz Sack, a "Marxist-interactionist theory of criminology." Helmut Janssen, an editor of Radikale Kriminologie, an anthology of primarily U.S.-based radical criminologists published in German in 1988, claimed that a radical or Marxist criminology was never able to develop in the Federal Republic of Germany because of the prohibition on the German Communist Party (KPD), the Berufsverbot- a purge mandated by the Right of the professions, including the civil service and education - the fragmentation of the Left, and the absence of a university-level Marxist school.

Yet critical criminology has deep roots in the "critical" social theory of the Frankfurt Institute of Social Research (the "Frankfurt School"). Theorists like Max Horkheimer, Theodor Adorno, and Herbert Marcuse (a group forced into exile in 1933 and then only reluctantly readmitted in 1945) generated powerful critiques of structures of inequality, authority, and power, as well as of ideological hegemony. Important for the 1968 movement were theories drawing on the Frankfurt School, among others, that argued that the working classes of the West had lost their revolutionary vocation, and that the focus of such activity had shifted to the peoples of the Third World and to marginalized sectors in the West, including immigrants, women, and youth. The Frankfurt School also accomplished what Foucault's panopticon theory of social control did not: it linked the concept of discipline (and what this means culturally) with changes in the capitalist management of work. Georg Rusche and Otto Kirchheimer's Punishment and Social Structure, which was introduced by Horkheimer and ironically only appeared in German translation in 1974, is a product of the Frankfurt School and was repopularized during the crisis of the late 1960s and early 1970s after years of neglect. The School has had other lasting impacts. Sebastian Scheerer and Henner Hess, in their recent defense and reformulation of the social control thesis against the steady encroachment of the concepts of "discipline" and "social exclusion" draw on Marcuse's One Dimensional Man to link his notion of "repressive tolerance," the harmless and sometimes illusionary satisfaction of real or artificially induced needs, with social control. After the events of 1989 (e.g., the collapse of the GDR), Jirgen Habermas (once Adorno's assistant) cautioned the state-supporting legal establishment that a constitutional state cannot be maintained without a radical democracy.

Another aspect of Germany's new criminology is Falco Werkentin's work with the Berlin-based Biirgerrechte and Polizei (Civil Rights and the Police, CILIP). Since the mid-1970s, he has produced diverse research projects and publications on German police history and on the politics of internal security. As the anti-authoritarian revolts of the 1960s peaked, sectors of the German New Left devolved into a wave of bombings, kidnappings, and murders by groups such as the Baader-Meinhof/Red Army Faction. Beginning in the 1970s, this triggered an unprecedented enlargement and reconstruction of police and secret services in the Federal Republic. No federal police force like the FBI existed in Germany before the Red Army Faction terrorist campaign of the 1970s. To allay fears that another Hitler might arise, West Germany's post-World War II constitution had established a very loose confederation of states (Lander), each with its own police. The terrorist threat was a pretext for the Lander to cede some of their power and strengthen the federal border police (BKA) into an FBI-like institution. After unification with East Germany, the basis for expansion of police power shifted from the terrorism of the 1970s to the dangers of atomic technology and the destruction of the environment to the drug trade and right-wing extremism.

In 1986, I returned to Frankfurt to participate in a symposium organized by Heinz Dieterich on "State Terrorism in the Third World." Papers by Noam Chomsky and James Petras (both members of our Editorial Advisory Board) as well as by Edward S. Herman were eventually published in our special issue, Contragate and Counterterrorism: A Global Perspective (CSJ 27-28, 1987). I reconnected with Falco Werkentin in Berlin as well as with the delightful editor of Das Argument, Wolfgang F. Haug, at the Freie Universitat Berlin. I was also fortunate to meet world-systems theorists at the Starnberg Institute for Research on Global Structures, Developments, and Crises. Folker Frobel, Jorgen Heinrichs, and Otto Kreye had just published Umbruch in der Weltwirtschaft (which can be translated as reorganization of or revolutionary change in the world economy), an exploration into the new international division of labor and the crisis of the capitalist world system. That April of 1986 truly felt like a crisis, if only because radioactive fallout from the Chernobyl disaster was raining down on Germany, on me, and, by coincidence, on Pat O'Malley, the Australian theorist.

In 1974, the architect of Ostpolitik, the Social Democrat Willy Brandt, had been forced to resign because of a spy scandal involving East Germany and was succeeded by Helmut Schmidt. That year, rapid inflation was accompanied by rising unemployment and was exacerbated by the presence of four million guest workers and their families. The crisis passed, but a more revolutionary event would later envelop the East. Just months before the Wall came down in 1989, I traveled to East Berlin at the invitation of East Germans, who favored Gorbachev's reformism, to give a series of lectures on U.S. militarism and social movements. The end of the GDR was made possible by Gorbachev's policies and made inevitable from inside. Confidence in the government, historically thin since the suppression of the June 1953 workers' uprising by Soviet and East German military and security forces, was further eroded by a worsening economic situation and growing social unrest. The level of surveillance that marked the GDR was much greater than that experienced in the FRG. Yet the reaction to the end of the Cold War was not the dissolution of the secret services. Rather, the police and secret service structures of the FRG were extended unconditionally to the area of the former GDR. Instead of changing the political and social structures, more police have been called for in the center of European economic might. Going full circle, however, Daniel Cohn-Bendit, the student leader in France of 1968, is today an Alliance Green Party (Biindnisgrine) member of the European Parliament. He is committed to the European Forum for Active Conflict Avoidance, which aims to prevent humans from killing each other and is exploring conflict-management and avoidance strategies.

Problem-Raising in Scandinavia

The initial impulses of the radical/critical criminology movement were perhaps strongest in the U.S., Britain, Italy, Germany, the Scandinavian countries, and Latin America. Scandinavian new criminology grew out of a disenchantment with social democracy and the intensifying law-and-order atmosphere sweeping over Sweden and Denmark. Tove Stang Dahl and Hedda Gjertsen in Oslo and Katriina Virtanen in Finland produced important theoretical work. In 1974, Norway's Thomas Mathiesen (a member of our Advisory Board) was still active in the Norwegian Association for Penal Reform, which he had helped to found in 1968. Mathiesen's The Politics of Abolition was published in 1974 and drew on experiences with prisoner unions. Nils Christie, another important figure who had been part of the Berkeley School of Criminology when the journal was being founded, called on critical criminologists to be "irresponsible dilemma-raisers" fighting a constant battle against being absorbed, tamed, and made responsible and thereby completely socialized into society. Annika Snare, who remains active in Copenhagen, certainly took this advice by becoming an early member of our Editorial Board.

South Africa: A Critical Movement in Power

As our journal was being founded, South Africa's apartheid system stood on the eve of crisis. Black Consciousness Movement leader Steven Biko had just been banned (he would be assassinated by the security police in 1977, with Minister of Justice Kruger probably ultimately responsible) and Nelson Mandela and other ANC leaders were locked up in Robben Island Prison or in exile. Police violence was rampant (between 1974 and 1979, nearly 1,000 people were killed by police, excluding those who died in protests or in detention, and more than 2,500 were wounded). In 1974, the U.N. General Assembly suspended South Africa as an international pariah. Pressure from the African colonial wars contributed to the overthrow of the dictatorship in Portugal, depriving South Africa of its key buffer states in Mozambique and Angola the following year.

By the early 1980s, the United Democratic Front (UDF) was launched and soon became one of the largest mass resistance movements in modern South African history. At that time we began to receive critical analyses of crime and punishment in South Africa, drawing on the work of Rusche and Kirchheimer and Michel Foucault, as well as on political trials, academic repression, and censorship. Contributors to our State Terrorism in South Africa issue (1985), who in the early 1970s had been imprisoned under the Terrorism Act and Suppression of Communism Act for carrying out underground work for the ANC, regularly disappeared from sight as the UDF, its affiliates, and leaders became particular targets of state repression. In 1986, I first met Keyan Tomaselli, the editor of Critical Arts: A Journal of Cultural Studies and director of the Durban-based Centre for Cultural and Media Studies. I was fortunate to meet other activists while in South Africain February 1990, when President F.W. de Klerk unbanned the African National Congress, the Pan Africanist Congress, and the South African Communist Party (SACP). I will never forget racing across the scorching Kalahari Desert in a car as the unconditional release of Nelson Mandela approached. Equally memorable was the unrestrained exhilaration and intellectual ferment among the "comrades," as captured in our South Africa in Transition (1991) issue.

All people of conscience should relish the triumph of the ANC (the party of Mandela and Mahatma Gandhi) and the movement it led, even if the transition from liberation movement to governing party is a particularly daunting task. Always an important part of that movement, the SACP has become South Africa's largest left-wing party and its members hold key cabinet posts in the recently reelected ANC government, this time under President Thabo Mbeki. Jeremy Cronin, whose poetry Adrienne Rich introduced in our 1985 issue, is the SACP's deputy general secretary and an ANC Member of Parliament. Formerly the SACP's most vocal, although moderate, critic of the ANC's Growth, Employment, and Redistribution economic program, his role as an ANC MP now requires him to support the program. Street crime remains a vexing problem, as does reconciling organs of popular justice with the formal legal structures of a constitutional state. Progressive South Africans have historically drawn on and modified the experiences of others, learning from, for instance, NACLA's analyses of low-intensity conflict and The Iron Fist and the Velvet Glove or comparing notes with Latin and Central American activists on democratic transitions (such as the Guatemalan peace process) and impunity as it relates to South Africa's Truth and Reconciliation Commission (in this case, the Chilean approach). From personal discussions and reading works like Policing and the Law (1989), it is clear that anti-apartheid South Africans are very conversant with the radical criminology literature generated in the United States, Britain, and Canada. The work of the Faculty of Law and the Institute of Criminology at the University of Cape Town and individuals like Dirk van Zyl Smit, Wilfried Scharf, Nicholas Haysom, and Derrick Fine, among many others, has interacted with ours, as has the world-systems-informed analyses of Steven Gelb, who has worked with Samir Amin and whose work was commission by the Congress of South African Trade Unions, or that of John Dugard on the relation of civil resistance to international law.

Critical Theory in Japan

In 1974, Japanese film maker Nagisa Oshima asked: "When did we lose the ability to exert our imagination in the direction of destroying the prisons? In ancient times, revolutions began with the destruction of prisons. No, history called the uprisings that were strong enough to destroy the prisons `revolutions."' Oshima's 1968 film, Death by Hanging was an assault on the death penalty, on the treatment of Japan's Korean minority, and on the Japanese state as the foundation of every crime and injustice. Oshima objected strenuously to the death penalty and war, two contexts in Japan in which the killing of people is condoned. As a student radical, Oshima was affiliated with the Zenkyoto (All Student Joint Struggle), which assumed the mantle of the militant student movement from the Zengakuren, part of which had historical ties to the Japanese Communist Party (JCP). His film Night and Fog in Japan dealt with factionalism within the Zengakuren in the context of the struggle against the Ampo-toso, or the U.S.-Japan Security Treaty, and criticizes neo-Stalinist tendencies within the JCP and its failure to confront the treaty. This critique was in line with the global repudiation in 1968 not only of the capitalist "Establishment," but also of a discredited and at times corrupt Old Left. The 1960's Japanese student movement took on the "feudalistic" system in at least 115 universities, but most student struggles centered on mass issues connected with Japan's relationship with the U.S., such as nuclear weapons and rearmament. These overwhelmingly nonviolent student protests were met by a reorganization of the educational system and a violent police response, including tear-gas, water cannons, tanks, and armored cars. On-campus repression, via the riot police and expulsions, were accompanied by a marked escalation of surveillance and control in the society generally. To this day, protests swell from a deep-seated reluctance to grant police greater powers given a history of secret police brutality during World War II and crackdowns on radical students and labor unions in the 1950s and 1960s (that used wiretaps among other methods). Expanded use of police wiretaps is now justified in terms of investigating organized crime, preventing drug and gun violations, and cracking down on dangerous groups like the Aum Shinri Kyo, which in 1995 released deadly nerve-gas in rush-hour Tokyo subways (killing 12 and seriously injuring 5,500 others).

According to sociologist Ken'ichi Kawasaki, the Japanese youth movements of the 1960s, which coupled deviant culture with political protest, scarcely left a trace (unlike the German movement, which created the green movement). An unparalleled degree of factional fighting (for any country), whose violence exceeded any actions against police repression, reached its nadir in the 1970s in the fratricidal violence within Japan's Red Army (Sekigun), which dealt a severe blow to the militant Left. Withprosperity, radical groups lost the extensive support they had enjoyed among students in the 1960s and 1970s. Japan experienced spectacular economic growth between 1965 and 1973, but it was gripped by crisis in 1974, when the GNP growth rate dipped below zero, partly due to the OPEC "oil shock." This political crisis formed the tapestry behind the fall from power of Prime Minister Kakuei Tanaka in 1974. He was implicated in and then convicted for a substantial bribe that top Japanese officials had accepted from Lockheed Corporation to get All Nippon Airways to purchase Tristar passenger planes. Independent of economic factors, however, Japan's integration into U.S. military staging operations, from Korea through Vietnam, and financially in the case of the Gulf War, has regenerated opposition. For instance, New Left antiwar leader Makoto Oda expressed the Japanese peace movement's view that Japan was a "forced aggressor" in the Vietnam War. By 1974, an interview with Oda on the "Rebirth of a Movement" accompanies an article on "New Unity in the Japanese Left" in the pages of AMPO: Japan-Asia Quarterly Review (a publication of the Pacific Asia Resource Research Center, founded in 1973, which still reports on grass-roots movements involved in protests such as the construction of the Narita Airport or against the U.S.-Japan Mutual Security Treaty, as well as on organized crime and the Right in Japan). Later, in the pages of Social Justice (Volume 16, No. 1, 1989), Oda discusses Japan's involvement in U.S. nuclear strategy and the perils of U.S. pressure on Japan to undertake a military buildup, with the accompanying resurgence of reactionary tendencies in politics and society. Alvin So and Satoshi Ikeda continue to analyze Japan's role in the world-system, as does Giovanni Arrighi.

I was in Japan for a conference on "Market Economy and Social Justice" in 1993, the year the "1955 system" of Liberal Democratic Party dominance collapsed and the current recession in Japan was already into its third year. There I met Tetsuya Fujimoto (an Editorial Advisory Board member, who as a doctoral student in the early 1970s studied social class and crime among JapaneseAmericans at Berkeley's School of Criminology). He and Won-Kyu Park were engaged in empirical work that showed that although Japan ranks lowest in the world in rates of incarceration and incidence of violent crime when compared with other advanced industrial countries, Japan's reputation as a country with a high level of public safety and safe streets is not merited once traffic accidents, industrial accidents, and suicides are factored in. Park and Shoji Ishitsuka, one of Japan's leading Lukacs scholars and critical theorists (and an Editorial Advisory Board member) were generous with their time and expertise in helping me assemble our special issue, Japan Enters the 21st Century (1994). Unfortunately, I did not meet Setsuo Miyazawa, who in 1974 became the first and only Japanese investigator to be permitted to observe police detectives work from the inside. His study, Policing in Japan: A Study on Making Crime, takes on the issue of how the agents of social control "make crime" and how the nearly 100% conviction rate of those brought to trial for criminal activity in Japan involves the possibility of violating the human rights of the accused. The study's discussion of questionable or illegal actions by the police exposed the author to a powerful police response and claims of a biased attack by a "leftist" scholar.

Encounter with Latin and Central America

In the 1970s, repressive military governments proliferated in Latin America and the Caribbean. These "counterinsurgency states," to use Ruy Mauro Marini's term, were characterized by "dirty war," enforced disappearances, and the exile of activists, film makers, journalists, and critical intellectuals. Augusto Pinochet's emergence by 1974 as head of the Chilean state after the violent removal of President Salvador Allende's socialist government a year earlier was a hallmark of the sudden and brutal curtailment of political activity captured so poignantly in Patricio Guzman's The Battle of Chile (1975-1979). Because the U.S. counterinsurgency establishment favored the use of police over military bodies in establishing and operating intelligence systems, the CIA and the Agency for International Development's Office of Public Safety (with its International Police Academy) became the principle providers of intelligence assistance to the civil and military forces in Guatemala, El Salvador, and elsewhere. This relationship, along with charges that the program taught torture, became so notorious that in 1974, Congress suspended all police assistance abroad.

Despite the determinant role of structural violence (poverty, hunger, unemployment, exploitation) and institutional violence (repression via police activities and torture) in almost all Latin American countries, professional criminologists (and often public opinion) continued to consider only individual crime and guerrilla actions to be illegitimate violence. Critical criminology stressed the need to account for the totality of social reality and to break with scientific and cultural dependency. Lola Aniyar de Castro's Criminologia de la Liberation (Universidad de Zulia, 1987) gives 1974 as the starting point for a Latin American "liberation criminology," which progressed from investigations of structural violence, through crimes of the powerful, to social control.4 Good early examples would be J.M. Mayorca's Criminalidad de la Burguesia and Fernando Rojas' Criminalidad y Constituyente. Two new and productive movements emerged: the Latin American Comparative Criminology Group and the Latin American Critical Criminology Group. Social Justice Editorial Advisory Board member Rosa de Olmo, whose article detailing the history of that movement appears in this issue, met with Berkeley's radical group in 1971, became a founding member of the European Group for the Study of Deviance and Social Control, and played a formative role in Latin America, along with many others who made outstanding contributions.5 Their work, some of which appeared in Capitulo Criminologico (Venezuela), in Doctrina Penal, and in the Revista de Derecho Penal y Criminologia (Universidad Externado de Colombia), took a critical form, independent of legal definitions, and located crime and punishment in the sociopolitical arena. In pursuing their commitment to the truth, human rights, and liberation, some, like Guatemalans Guillermo Monz6n Paz and Jorge Palacios Mota, the Brazilian Heleno Fragoso, and Colombians Alfonso Reyes and Emiro Sandoval, were assassinated by repressive forces. Sandoval, along with Roberto Bergalli, Julio Mayaud6n, and Lola Aniyar de Castro had written the original draft of the "Manifesto of Latin American Critical Criminologists" in Mexico in 1981.

The intersection of our journal with the Latin American critical movement dates back to our formative years. In 1975 we published Rosa del Olmo's "Limitations on the Prevention of Violence: The Latin American Reality and Its Criminological Theory." Editorial Advisory Board member James Petras' work on crime and class consciousness in Chile appeared early on, as did several articles on U.S. state terrorism in Central America. In 1974, Nicaragua had witnessed the first actions of the Sandinistas (or FSLN) in urban areas and the government fought the organization with massive arrests, killings in the university community, and scorched-earth depopulation operations in the rural areas where the FSLN had their initial strongholds. Soon after the FSLN had overthrown the Somoza dictatorship in 1979, Vilma Nfiez de Escorcia, the vice-president of the Nicaragua's Supreme Court of Justice, became active in the Latin American Comparative and Critical Criminology Groups. (Her "Justice and the Control of Crime in the Sandinista Popular Revolution" appears in our first issue of 1985.) Members of our journal's board came to know and respect Dr. Nuiez' work and many, including myself, traveled to war-ravaged Nicaragua in the early 1980s to witness the international crimes associated with the Reagan Doctrine (as did other radical criminologists such as Gordon West, Ron Hinch, and Dragan Milovanovic). Our participation in a variety of forums, from the Combined Latin American Comparative and Critical Criminology conferences in Managua (1985), to the First Seminar on Penitentiary Systems of the Americas in Managua (1986), to the 39th International Course in Criminology in Havana (1987) culminated in a special issue entitled Latin American Perspectives on Crime and Social Justice (CSJ, No. 30, 1987). Although Contemporary Marxism's Latin and Central American coverage had been significant since the early 1980s, an expanded "Americas" focus was first fully realized in the combined journal, renamed Social Justice, with Human Rights and U.S.-Cuban Relations in the Reagan Era (Vol. 15, No. 2, 1988).

Since then, the peace process in Central America has led to a winding down of many civil conflicts. Discussions of impunity (the topic of a forthcoming special issue) and peace-making with a social justice component have moved to center stage. Our special issue, Latin America Faces the 21st Century (Vol. 19, No. 4, 1992) discusses broader issues of democratization and the Latin American Left, while Columbus on Trial (Vol. 19, No. 2, 1992) traces 500 years of genocide, repression, and resistance. Pablo Gonzalez Casanova and John Saxe-Femndez' special issue, The World Today (Social Justice Vol. 23, Nos. 1-2, 1996), locates Latin America in relation to the New World Order and Immigration: A Civil Rights Issue for the Americas in the 21 SI Century (Vol. 23, No. 3, 1996), an issue largely focusing on Latino immigrants, expresses an important part of our "Americas" perspective.

Altered conditions globally and in this hemisphere may afford Latin American critical theorists some breathing space. Richard Salvatore and Carlos Aguirre's historical anthology, The Birth of the Penitentiary in Latin America, reveals a return to a broader social control focus and a recent issue of the Mexican theoretical journal, Metapolitica, revisits the work of Michel Foucault and analyzes the "faces of violence." Yet, the large student demonstrations, leading up to the massacre by the military in Mexico City in September 1968, are again in the public eye and a new struggle at UNAM has put students center-stage. That crime has become a central issue in the gubernatorial elections in Mexico's most populous state, and cynically manipulated as well by entrenched forces loyal to the Institutional Revolutionary Party to undercut the presidential election bid of Cuauhtemoc Cardenas (Party of the Democratic Revolution) based on his effectiveness in combating crime while mayor of one of the world's largest cities, Mexico City, will likely stretch to the limit of approaches that stress a "criminogenic state" and even those advocated by realist criminologists. Work being done at the Instituto de Ciencias Sociales y Humanidades in Puebla (some of which will appear in our forthcoming issue, Beyond National: Identities, Social Problems, and Movements, edited by Ed McCaughan) could prove valuable. More broadly, the transparently thin line between full-blown counterinsurgency and U.S. counternarcotic efforts in Colombia (with a U.S.-trained 950-man Colombian army counternarcotics battalion, equipped with Huey UH-IN helicopters) suggests that Mexico should be on the alert.

The Former Socialist States

At the time of the journal's founding, little interest in radical criminology was found in the former Soviet Union or in Eastern Europe. Unlike the neo-Marxist tendencies that had taken hold in the West to a degree not seen since the 1930s, the orthodox (Stalinist) thinking in the East generally viewed crime as a personal pathology, a remnant of the old bourgeois order, and a blot on an otherwise perfect society. (The work of Ivan Jankovic, a Yugoslav, on labor market and imprisonment was an exception, as were writings on workers' self-management and on the underground economy, found in Cyril Robinson's special issue of Social Justice, Vol. 15, Nos. 3-4, 1988, Dynamics of the Informal Economy.) All that began to change with Gorbachev's introduction of glasnost and perestroika, with its spirit of openness, self-criticism, and reform. Members of our Editorial Board, including myself, were in Moscow during those heady days. We had every intention of producing a special issue that would capture these changes, but the rapidity with which events unfolded as well as translation obstacles prevented the project from reaching fruition. Ronald Reagan's massive military buildup capped long-term expenditures aimed at winning the Cold War - the United States spent in excess of four trillion dollars in Europe alone for that purpose - and hastened the collapse of the Soviet Union and the East European experiments in "real socialism." In The World Today, analyses explore the social justice dimension of the transition to market economies and democracy in Russia and Eastern Europe.

Final Thoughts

Partly due to my personal biography and skills, and partly as a simple twist of fate, I ended up in the Crime and Social Justice Collective. In my teens, I had heard Mario Savio speak in a basement meeting at the International House in Berkeley during the Free Speech Movement. After his "Put your bodies on the gears and upon the wheels, upon the levers" speech, there was no turning back. I participated in the Third World Liberation Front and came to know the European Left before returning to the Berkeley campus as a student in sociology. There the radical component of the School of Criminology was a magnetic force for its intellectual intensity and commitment to action. I am proud of my association with those who made it special: Paul Takagi, Herman and Julia Schwendinger, Tony Platt, Elliot Currie, Lynn Cooper, Richard Speiglman, Mike Hannigan, June Kress, Barry Krisberg, Marty Williams, and many others. Given the times, for people of conscience, for those for whom politics was an avocation, it was an ideal place to be. But not for long.

Permanence is deceptive. The worldwide rebellion of 1968 emphatically raised the banner of civil rights and disarmament, and revolted against militarism, alienating work, the patriarchal family, and unequal development. Yet, the mass movements of the 1960s ebbed, and icons of the 1960s like Ramparts faded from view. The School of Criminology was closed. Eventually, solid critical forums like Contemporary Crises lost steam and ceased publication. In the 1970s, new movements responded to renewed crises with calls for an ecological conscience that stressed renewable resources, and in Europe, anti-nuclear pacifism was a response to an intensified arms race between the superpowers. Maoist party formations that had evolved from the 1968 movements imploded in the 1980s.6 In 1989, civil liberties and universal human rights were reaffirmed through the revolutionary and world historical events of that moment: the massacre at Tiananmen Square and the fall of the Berlin Wall, which brought about an end to the Cold War, the collapse of the socialist nation-states, and a U.S.-led New World Order born of the Persian Gulf War. However, the global system of wealth and privilege remained intact throughout, underscoring the tendency of progressives in the U.S. to underestimate the system's resilience and adaptability. Many claimed that the more serious shortcoming was the failure to produce lasting progressive political forms. Yet the survival of many alternative journals and research groups from the 1960s and 1970s should not be trivialized. One goal at the time we lost our base in the School of Criminology had been to encourage the development of new collectives and to find new ways to facilitate concentrations of radicals, as well as to reproduce and train new generations of critical thinkers. New groups did arise in Albany, New York City, Boston, Pennsylvania, and San Francisco. Another important turning point for critical criminology took place in 1988, when Susan Caringella-McDonald and Bob Bohm organized a meeting to develop a Critical Criminology Division within the American Society of Criminology and Bernard Headley and Dragan Milovanovic spearheaded the development of its newsletter, The Critical Criminologist. In the mid- 1990s, the Division took on the task of publishing Critical Criminology: An International Journal.

Inevitable problems arise from the institutionalization of movements-which is surely the case when you see "primers" on radical criminology, sections in mainstream introductory textbooks on the topic, as well as entire textbooks written from a critical perspective. Such problems are the residue of success. The political and organizational problems of the Critical Criminology Division (discussed at length on its web site) will hopefully not prevent it from facilitating the reproduction and training of new generations of critical thinkers. The numbers of critical thinkers in the academy remains small? This is surely by intent and is a legacy of severe academic repression in the 1970s, as well as of the drastic reduction, through tuition hikes in California at least, in the number of poor and workingclass students in the state universities. History suggests that local struggles will again drive the agenda for critical criminology and that beyond domestic policy concerns (which have often been defaulted to the Right), articulation with critical scholars on all continents will be essential to discerning transnational and supranational patterns of control. There have been many shortcomings in the critical criminology movement. But one thing is certain: the government and rightwing response to crime - from harsher sentencing and the prison construction mania to the war on drugs - has not worked and will not work. Heightened levels of insecurity have been the result. The clock is ticking.

There are some encouraging signs, such as the recent Critical Resistance Conference in Berkeley (on the prison-industrial complex) and the appearance of books like Lockdown America, by a new generation of authors like Christian Parenti. A new journal edited by Piers Beirne and Colin Summer, Theoretical Criminology, is a valuable publishing venue that complements the work that appears in Social Justice. Other ongoing efforts - from the Sentencing Project, The Drug Policy Letter, Barry Krisberg's work at the National Council on Crime and Delinquency, and the Center on Juvenile and Criminal Justice to researchers on reproductive rights, the Right, social welfare reform, the death penalty, and international law - have brought truly useful knowledge into the public sphere. We are thankful they exist and appreciate the contribution many of them have made in the pages of our journal over the last 25 years.


1. The previous five years before the journal was launched had seen the rise of progressive alternatives in other area studies, such as the Middle East Research and Information Project, and the Pacific Studies Center, as well as the Union of Radical Political Economists and the Radical Historian's Organization (MAHRO) - all of which are ongoing concerns today.

2. This group includes, among others, Maureen Cain, Pat Carlen, Alan Clark, John Clark, Stan Cohen, Charles Critcher, Paul Gilroy, Chris Hale, Stuart Hall, Stuart Henry, Alan Hunt, Ruth Jamieson, Tony Jefferson, John Lea, Roger Matthews, Frank Pearce, Brian Roberts, Carol Smart, Nigel South, Colin Summer, Ian Taylor, Steve Tombs, Paul Walton, and Jock Young. Many have been contributors to Social Justice.

3. The German critical group included, among others, Michael Bauman, Johannes Feest, Andreas Heinz, Henner Hess, Michael Hofferbert, Helmut Janssen, Reiner Kaulitzki, Rudiger Lautmann, Joachim Perels, Fritz Sack, Sebastian Scheerer, Karl F. Schumann, Gerlinda Smaus, Heinz Steinert, Michael VoB, Hartmut Weber, and Falco Werkentin. These days, Alessandro Baratta is also part of this general grouping.

4. Already in 1973 Rosa del Olmo had published "Por qua la Necesidad de una Criminologia Critica?" (Why Is a Critical Criminology Necessary?) in Capitulo Criminologico 1 (Maracaibo).

5. The original group at the Criminology Institute of the University of the Zulia included Francisco Burgos, Thamara Santos, Audelina Tineo, Emperatriz Arreaza, Elsa Villa, Tito C6rdova, Susana Iglesias, Francisco Delgado, Maria Angelica Jim6nez, and Guillermo Ramos. Others who created a genuinely Latin American criminology are Luis G6mez, Oscar Moreno, Jos6 Isidoro Sazbon, Mariano Moreno, Hern,n Pardo, Hugo Madariaga, Roberto Bergalli, Luis March del Pont, Elizabeth Sussekind, Esther Kosovski, Judrez Cirino, Jose Maria Rico, Alfonso Reyes, Irma Patifio, Emiro Sandoval, Edgar Saavedra Rojas, Maria Luzsabel P6rez, Myriam Ramos de Saavedra, Enrique Castillo, Ana Isabel Garita, Dora Maria Wedel, Key Doorten, Henando Rosero, Luis Mufioz, Efrain Torres, Guillermo Monz6n Paz, Jorge Palacios, Michael Parris, Luis Rodriguez Manzanera, Macela Marquez, Carmen Antony, Atilio Ramirez Amaya, Audelina de Suirez, Carlos Sulbaran, Julio Mayaud6n, Fernando Tocora, Emilio Garcia, Carlos Valenzuela, Heleno Fragoso, Gerardo Ruiz, Luis Lachner Trejos, Rodrigo Bucheli Mera, Fabian Guido Flores, Alfredo Jaramillo, Arellano Estuardo, Xavier Ossand6n, Anibal Torres, Jose D'avalos, Victor Vega, Lauro Escobar, Oswaldo Bolagay, Eric Lepointe, Jorge Enrique Torres, David J. Dodd, Emilio Champigneul, Daniel Jimdnez B., Ricardo Vazcones, Juan Potocarrero, Rafael Rivera, Hdctor Cabral Ortega, Rosa del Olmo, and Hector Silva. To Lola Aniyar de Castro's list, I would add the European Alessandro Baratta and the American Martha Huggins.

6. Some members of our Editorial Board were members of such an organization in the late 1970s through 1986. Paul Takagi, one of the journal's main acquisitions editors at the time, was not affiliated. The journal's Editorial Advisory Board and contents also represented abroad spectrum of views. One artifact of the organization's influence, though, was a brief interlude in which some policies of the former Soviet Union were at times uncritically accepted.

7. The Critical Criminology Division has 320 members (under 190 faculty members and under 90 students and other researchers), although I have also seen a total figure of over 400. Both the Marxist section and the Political Economy of the World-System (PEWS) section of the American Sociological Association struggle each year to reach 400 members.

Gregory Shank is the Managing Editor of Social Justice. He was a member of the original Crime and Social Justice Collective.

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